The unfolding events in Syria
form a moment in history that will change the way we think about the
relationship between the West and the Islamic world. The deteriorating
situation, with the death of tens of thousands of people and the displacement
of millions of refugees, is an atrocity several magnitudes beyond this past
May’s events in Boston. And if you look around the globe at what is happening elsewhere--in
Syria, Yemen, Pakistan, Somalia, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, Egypt, Turkey, and Iraq--the
evident discontent, unrest, economic troubles, and killings dwarf anything occurring
between the Islamic world and the West.
Professor John Esposito of
Georgetown University recently published an opinion piece in the Washington Post criticizing former Tony
Blair.
The former British Prime Minister
wrote:
There
is a problem within Islam--from the adherents of an ideology that is a strain
within Islam. And we have to put it on the table and be honest about it…. It
has at its heart a view about religion and about the interaction between
religion and politics that is not compatible with pluralistic, liberal,
open-minded societies.
Esposito countered with a well worn
argument:
Though
well intentioned, it perpetuates his long held belief since the Bush-Blair
invasion and occupation of Iraq that the primary driver, the root cause of
terrorism, is religion and not political and social contexts and foreign
policies. It is wrong headed and doomed to continue to be part of the problem
not the solution.
Unfortunately, Esposito
misses the larger point. Forget Boston, Professor Esposito! Forget London! How
do you explain the inter-Arab butchery in Syria with arguments about Western “political and social contexts and foreign policies”?
Do we need to properly digest
the meanings and the evils of the Tsarnaev brothers or label the actions of
Major Hassan as terrorism instead of workplace violence to understand what is
going in the Muslim world? Does it really make much of a difference what
motivated the Nigerian converts to Islam who recently butchered a British
soldier when we see the bloodbath that is Syria? What of the 200,000 Algerians
who have died in their country’s internal fighting over the past twenty years?
This clearly evident reality
should make one thing perfectly clear (although for many, such as John
Esposito, it will not): while we are free to attribute sporadic Muslim
terrorism against and within the West to Western policies of imperialism or colonialism,
you can’t attribute the sectarian strife so evident in Syria between Sunnis and
Shi’a as being somehow caused by the West. (Yes, I know that you can blame the
borders of Syria on the British and French, but no set of borders could have
avoided the intermixing of populations given the mosaic that was the Middle
East.)
What we are seeing in Syria,
and increasingly elsewhere in the Middle East, is something that we are loathe
to discuss openly: the inability of Islamic political, economic and social (not
religious) culture to cope with the demands of the twenty-first century.
To say that openly is to risk
being labeled an Islamophobe.
To avoid saying it is to
ignore the obvious.
Ought we to be surprised that
a social system developed by a seventh-century man in the Arabian Peninsula,
however wise, is inadequate to meet the demands of the modern world? Marxism
was a nineteenth-century social system that failed to cope with the demands of
the late twentieth century. What should surprise us is that Muhammad’s
seventh-century recipe for life survived as long as it did, not that it now is increasingly
and obviously a catastrophe.
No alterations of Western
policies are going to fix Syria. Withdrawing American naval forces from the
Persian Gulf will not bring peace to Syria. Totally eliminating the state of
Israel will not bring peace to Syria! (Hezbollah and Hamas would probably start
fighting for control.) In fact, the course of action most likely to bring some
semblance of peace to Syria would be MORE, not less Western intervention!
Syria, and its capital
Damascus, lies at the very heart of the Arab world. That world is decomposing
before our eyes. Sunnis and Shi’a are killing each other in bloody massacres,
with Sunni jihadists videoing themselves as they gnaw at the organs of their
opponents. Shi’a label their opponents “Takfiris”—apostates who can be killed
on sight. The sectarian fighting is spreading into Iraq and Lebanon. How in the
world can anyone watch what is happening and not understand that these people
are killing each other BECAUSE of religion? And that religion is Islam!
If Christians, Jews, or Atheists are killed, it’s because they are by-standers,
not players in the Syrian drama. (And, yes, Europeans killed each other by the
millions from the Protestant Reformation until the end of the Thirty Years War—for
religion!)
I made this argument to a
friend a few weeks back, as the basic outlines of this argument formed in my
mind. His counter was that, while all this was true, it wasn’t that long ago
that we witnessed similar barbarism in the non-Islamic world. In the 1930s the
Japanese committed atrocities against, not only Westerners, but also fellow
Asians--Koreans, Filipinos, Chinese, and others. In Europe the Nazis behaved
barbarically against Jews, Poles, Gypsies, the Russians, and assorted other
peoples. True, all very true. And, I added, how did the Japanese and Germans
fare given their behavior? What did Tokyo and Berlin look like in 1945? In
other words, drawing such parallels ought not to be an exercise meant to
somehow excuse a behavior, but rather to serve as a warning of the dire
consequences that may well be on their way to the inhabitants of the Islamic
world.
Syria should make it clear to
everyone that the Islam is seriously ill. It is dying before our eyes. The still
living corpse is already beginning to rot, but we avert our eyes, smile, spray
some cologne about, and pretend we smell not a thing.
And this is the grim reality
that Tony Blair, who used to claim that the bin Laden’s of the world had
“hijacked” Islam, is only now beginning to comprehend, and that President Obama
faces as a stark policy choice in Syria. Some pundits advocate intervention;
others non-intervention. All admit that there is no obvious or easy choice of
action, or inaction. But the Syrian experience—the putrification of Islam—is
the reality Obama faces, even if he has yet himself to recognize it for what it
is. There is no obvious course to follow in Syria because there is, by
definition, no treatment for terminal illness. There is only burial.
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